The German federal
election concluded on February 23, 2025, with the Christian Democratic Union
(CDU) and Christian Social Union (CSU)—collectively known as the Union
Party—emerging victorious. This outcome is poised to have notable implications
for the natural gas market. As pragmatic supporters of the energy transition,
the Union Party endorses long-term climate goals while prioritizing technology
neutrality and energy security. In the realm of natural gas, they regard it as
a transitional tool and advocate for a diversified supply strategy.
Consequently, the European natural gas market is likely to sustain or even
amplify its diversified LNG import policy, which has been in effect since the
onset of geopolitical tensions. This will perpetuate international price
competition and cause European natural gas prices to fluctuate frequently due
to supply uncertainties.
I. The Union Party:
Supporting Green Transition with Natural Gas as a Key Transitional Fuel
The Union Party
supports the energy transition but emphasizes the need to balance economic
feasibility with energy security. As pragmatic supporters of the energy
transition, they endorse the EU’s 2050 climate neutrality target while
prioritizing economic viability and energy security. The party supports the
2038 coal phase-out plan but views natural gas as a necessary transitional
energy source to bridge the gap during the phase-out of coal and nuclear power.
This approach aims to minimize the adverse economic impacts of the energy
transition. Some party members have also proposed extending the lifespan of
existing nuclear power plants as a transitional measure.
The Union Party
recognizes the bridging role of natural gas, especially during the phase-out of
coal and nuclear power. They support the construction of gas-fired power plants
to compensate for the intermittency of renewable energy sources and advocate for
the development of LNG receiving terminals, such as the project in Brunsbuttel,
to reduce dependence on pipeline natural gas. Prior to the geopolitical
conflict, the party supported the Nord Stream 2 pipeline to ensure access to
affordable energy. However, following the conflict, they shifted to opposing
the pipeline and called for a complete decoupling from Russian energy supplies.
Instead, the party has strengthened cooperation with countries like Norway and
Qatar.
If the Green Party
joins the governing coalition, Germany will still view natural gas as a
transitional energy source during the coal and nuclear phase-out process. In
the short term, this could support European natural gas demand. However, in the
long run, Germany is likely to accelerate its exit from fossil fuels and push
for the development of renewable energy sources (wind and solar) and hydrogen.
This shift could ultimately suppress European natural gas demand.
II. Europe's Natural
Gas Dilemma: Short-term Surge vs. Long-term Decline
In terms of supply
and demand dynamics, in the short term, Germany's accelerated coal phase-out
could boost demand for natural gas in power generation. However, the rapid
expansion of renewables might offset this increase. Over the long term, Germany
and the EU's climate goals—reducing emissions by 55% by 2030 and achieving
carbon neutrality by 2045—will progressively erode natural gas's role in
Europe's energy mix.
Regarding price
trends, if Germany reduces its reliance on Russian gas, Europe will need to
depend more on LNG imports (from countries like the US and Qatar), which will
intensify international price competition, including within Europe.
Additionally, Germany may cut back on investments in natural gas infrastructure
(such as pipelines and LNG terminals) and instead support grid upgrades and the
development of hydrogen infrastructure. As a result, the instability of
Europe's natural gas supply may persist, and gas prices could continue to
fluctuate frequently due to supply uncertainties.
III. Germany's Energy
Transition May Impact China's Natural Gas Import Costs
Germany's shift away
from Russian pipeline gas and toward diversified LNG imports is expected to
cause fluctuations in international natural gas prices, driven by changes in
European demand. This will likely lead to volatility in China's LNG import
costs. For example, during extreme weather conditions—such as harsh winters or
heatwaves—China's natural gas demand surges. If Europe is also competing for
LNG at high prices, China will face higher premiums for its LNG imports.
Should Europe reduce
its reliance on Russian gas, Russia may increase exports to Asia, particularly
China. This could enhance China's bargaining power in long-term contract
negotiations. Meanwhile, projects like the Power of Siberia pipeline may
accelerate, diversifying China's gas supply and reducing its dependence on
seaborne LNG.
If the Green Party's
influence grows in Germany, the country may accelerate its green hydrogen
(green H?) industry. This could lead to either competition or cooperation with
China in electrolyzer technology and hydrogen infrastructure. Ultimately, it
may indirectly slow the growth of industrial gas demand in China by
accelerating the substitution of natural gas in industrial applications.
In summary, Germany's
post-election policy adjustments will impact Europe's natural gas supply and
demand dynamics, rippling global markets and increasing price volatility. China
needs to strengthen its natural gas storage systems, diversify imports, and
ensure supply stability to mitigate adverse impacts from external market
fluctuations. Additionally, China should advance the development of green
hydrogen and renewable energy to seize opportunities and address challenges
arising from Europe's energy policy spillovers.